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One of the most enduring themes in this literature concerns victim gender, the notion that same-sex molesters are at the highest risk to re-offend, opposite-sex molesters are at the lowest risk, and bisexual molesters fall somewhere in the middle. As the victim gender theory would predict, incest offenders, who are predominantly opposite sex father-daughter , are at lowest risk to re-offend. The victim gender hypothesis has not, however, received uniform support. Our own work Prentky et al. In a year follow-up of treated child molesters, 6 of 10 variables significantly differentiated those who re-offended and from those who did not re-offend.
The most powerful predictors of sexual recidivism were strength of pedophilic interest which assesses the extent to which children are a major focus of the offender's thoughts and fantasies , paraphilias, and number of prior sexual offenses. The most powerful predictors of nonsexual recidivism were amount of contact with children, juvenile antisocial behavior e. Although risk assessment procedures and scales for sex offenders exist that are empirically informed and reasonably accurate, low base rates of re-offending hamper the overall effectiveness of risk assessment.
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The base-rate problem is particularly serious with exclusive incest offenders who have a very low re-offensive rate. Assuming a sexual recidivism rate of 10 percent with endogamous incest offenders, a prediction device would have to exceed 90 percent accuracy to improve upon a chance prediction of no re-offense.
The child molester risk assessment scale includes the following classification criteria for scale variables:. Amount of Contact with Children. The amount of contact with children variable is derived from work on the development of a classification system for child molesters Knight et al. The amount of contact is a behavioral measure of the time that an offender spends with or near children, and includes sexual and nonsexual situations, but excludes parent-related contact.
Strength of Pedophilic Interest. Juvenile Antisocial Behavior. The score for juvenile antisocial behavior is derived from six items: a problems in grammar school, b problems in junior high school, c verbal or physical assault on peers at school, d vandalism, e fighting, and f number of nonsexual, victimless offenses.
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Frequency of Prior Sexual Offenses. This variable is the total number of charges for serious sexual i. This variable is a six-item scale that included exhibitionism, fetishism, transvestism, voyeurism, promiscuity, and compulsive masturbation. Substance Abuse History. The score for substance abuse history is derived from three items: a frequency of drinking, b lifetime alcohol use, and c drug use history.
Social Competence. The score for social competence includes three items: a the quality of peer relationships in adulthood, b the level of heterosexual attachments in adulthood, and c marriage. Victim Gender. Victim gender is coded for up to 3 victims per offense and for up to 10 separate offenses. The issue of community notification of released sex offenders has recently become a major subject of political debate at both the state and federal level.
This debate has both statutory and social policy implications and raises at least three major problems. First, we assume that those individuals who are informed about the identity of a recently discharged sex offender will act in a responsible manner. In general, some degree of vigilantism, resulting in more crime and more injury, should be anticipated as a consequence of community notification. Second, the purpose of notifying neighbors is for protection so parents can keep their children away from potentially dangerous people.
Although the immediate community may effectively keep their children away from an offender, the offender is not prevented from going to an adjacent community, or getting into his car and driving to an even more distant community. Community notification may accomplish nothing more than forcing the offender to seek his victims elsewhere. Third, it is possible that some offenders will re-offend because of the stress and pressure imposed by a hostile, rejectionist community that has branded the offender as a pariah.
Thus, community notification may unwittingly increase the likelihood that some sex offenders re-offend. Some constructive responses to the problem of potentially dangerous sex offenders include the following:. At the very least, those who are deemed to be at high risk should be mandated for treatment.
Lifetime parole supervision should be considered for highly repetitive sex offenders and those who have committed particularly violent acts. Although this would rarely be necessary for incest offenders, it may be appropriate for many extrafamilial child molesters. Lifetime parole is vastly cheaper than imprisonment, more acceptable than indeterminate sentences on constitutional grounds, and a reasonably good compromise for protecting society. For offenders who are mandated to be in treatment or who need to be on medication such as Depo Provera , parole supervision substantially increases compliance.
The confidential notification of local police departments and the District Attorney's office is entirely reasonable and can often be an important element of maintenance in the community. Well-coordinated treatment services provided by trained therapists who are experienced working with sex offenders should be available, both in prison as well as after a prisoner returns to the community. Treatment in the community is particularly critical for adjustment and maintenance. Treatment should be considered one aspect of an overall maintenance program that is coordinated by a parole officer.
Intensive parole supervision should be implemented by hiring additional parole officers who will carry small caseloads and who will he highly trained in assessment, evaluation, and community maintenance of sexual offenders.
Caseloads should not exceed about 15 offenders to ensure effective supervision. This program of intensive community supervision will be less expensive than keeping sex offenders in prison and more effective than community notification. Consider, for example, what the cost savings would be in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. There are approximately 3, sex offenders currently housed in the Commonwealth's penal facilities. If the Commonwealth paroled only 10 percent of the least dangerous offenders e.
Knight, R. Carter, and R. Prentky A system for the classification of child molesters: Reliability and application.
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Journal of Interpersonal Violence 4 1 Prentky, R. Knight, and A. Peters Insitiute, Philadelphia, Penn. Domestic violence involves a complex set of dynamics which court systems are just beginning to address. In the absence of research studies, those who design systems that address domestic violence have, by necessity, depended on the collective wisdom and experience of many experts who work in the field.
Few jurisdictions have integrated systems that combine all the necessary components for development of a systemic approach to reduce domestic violence. However, many jurisdictions have developed one or more programs in specific areas such as:. Dedicated domestic violence units within the local prosecutor's office, the police department, or both.
Dynamic treatment modalities for the treatment of the batterer such as the model developed in Duluth, Minnesota. Nonprofit corporations established to advocate for victims of domestic violence, which may provide victim advocacy, emergency shelter, legal advocacy, community education, and domestic violence training for court or other agencies.
Legal clinics sponsored by local law schools, Legal Aid, ethnic organizations, or other special interest groups. Specialty courts dedicated to hear domestic violence cases exclusively. Some jurisdictions may feature one or more judges who hear petitions for civil protection orders, while other jurisdictions may focus on domestic violence criminal cases. A few jurisdictions may have courts that hear both criminal and civil domestic violence cases.
An ideal approach is the creation of a Domestic Violence Division of the court with jurisdiction to hear all cases where domestic violence is an underlying factor. These cases would not only include protection orders, misdemeanors, and felonies, but also divorce as well as other cases traditionally heard in the family division.
This model is currently being considered in Washington, D. Many domestic violence programs were developed because of the determination and zeal of a specific agency or interest group. Many model courts developed because individual judges were dedicated to this approach. Until very recently, commitment for this approach from the highest levels of the court and government has been lacking in most jurisdictions.
Well-developed, integrated domestic violence systems require.
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However, without a unified effort at the highest levels of authority, domestic violence initiatives will remain fragmented and research will be hampered. In the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges published a survey of selected outstanding model court programs. Few programs are found within completely integrated systems because few such systems exist. The model program initiated in Dade County, Florida, on November 1, , for example after the completion of the survey , is not included.