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He told the mother that prosecutors had never interviewed him, even though he was working with Esquivel the night she disappeared.

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When she answered 10 years, the agent told her that after ten years her husband would no longer have been faithful to her. Cell phones, radio signals, and bank records offer a critical tool to help investigators determine the fate of the disappeared, in particular in the immediate aftermath of disappearances. However, Human Rights Watch found that investigators routinely waited weeks, months, or even years before soliciting the cell phone, radio, or banking records of victims, despite evidence that accounts continued to be used and despite persistent requests from families to follow these leads.

Investigators also consistently failed to seek footage in a timely fashion from public or private surveillance cameras that may have provided relevant leads.

By the time officials requested such footage, it usually had been deleted because so much time had elapsed. In the majority of cases we documented, victims were carrying cell phones or two-way radios commonly referred to as Nextels in Mexico, from the name of one of the providers at the time of their disappearances.

Often, these devices continued to receive calls, and in some cases were answered by unidentified individuals, after victims had been abducted. Yet when families reported this information to authorities, they said investigators were slow to act on it, if they acted at all. Authorities also failed to act for months on information that could have helped find Gonzalo Ribera Moncada , 41, an auto mechanic, and Horacio Sandoval Torres , 40, a construction worker.

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The armed men who took him were wearing state judicial police uniforms, his co-workers later informed his family. On February 28, the kidnappers instructed Ribera to drive the car to the neighboring city of Guadalupe and then wait for instructions about a specific drop off location. His brother-in-law, Horacio Sandoval Torres, accompanied him on the trip. Ribera had been carrying a Nextel on the trip, which emitted a GPS signal that his family began to trace following his disappearance.

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On March 1, the family handed this information over to Navy officials at a nearby base. They returned days later to provide updated locations emitted from the Nextel, but the Navy officials did nothing to investigate the locations from which the GPS signal was most frequently being emitted. The family of Agnolo Pabel Medina Flores , 32, who was abducted by armed men on August 2, , found authorities similarly unresponsive when they provided information that could have led to finding him or the people who took him. In nearly all of the disappearance cases we documented, we found compelling evidence that authorities had failed to carry out basic investigative steps that may have helped locate victims of disappearances or the individuals responsible for them.

Human Rights Watch found that even in those cases where justice officials carried out basic investigative steps, they often waited so long that possible leads were lost. Witnesses moved to different places, families lost trust in prosecutors and no longer wanted to cooperate with investigations, and key evidence vanished. In some cases, prosecutors and members of security forces fabricated evidence, such as claiming they had conducted interviews that never occurred.

Bloodstains marked the passenger seat and two doors. In a later inquiry by the National Human Rights Commission, a neighbor testified to seeing soldiers in the street immediately after the shootout. To begin with, officials did not secure the crime scene until approximately p. The investigation was further undermined by federal and state prosecutors transferring responsibility for the case back and forth. For example, federal prosecutors transferred the case to state prosecutors on June 10, Investigators also misplaced key evidence in the case. State justice officials collected 39 bullet shells at the scene of the crime on April 5.

However, when state prosecutors handed the investigation over to their federal counterparts, they did not hand over the shells found at the crime scene. An examination by state forensic officials confirmed that blood was found in five locations in the car. Investigators also fabricated evidence, lying about having conducted an interview with one relative that never occurred.

Nor have federal or state prosecutors sought to interview members of the military, despite the fact that the Army admitted to having been in the neighborhood where the shootout occurred in the early hours of April 5. The Army said it encountered the bullet-riddled truck, empty, but made no mention of securing the crime scene or notifying justice officials. He told her that the three had gotten into a fight with another group of men at the bar, and that he had been badly wounded and needed to be taken to a hospital. He did not know what had happened to Villasana, or the third friend who had been with them that night, who was also missing.

The trucks were accompanied by two pick-ups bearing the insignia of the Federal Police, the bar employee said. The investigator responded that it was too dangerous for him to go to the neighborhood where the bar was located, let alone visit the bar. He said that if the mother wanted more information, she should go there herself. At approximately 9 a. The men never arrived at their destination. State investigators also misplaced DNA evidence in the case.

Asked where it had gone, state prosecutors were unable to provide an explanation. In several cases, Human Rights Watch found evidence suggesting that the same officials—often in collaboration with criminal groups—were responsible for carrying out multiple disappearances in separate incidents. The repeated involvement of the same perpetrators in these crimes highlights one of the consequences of inadequate investigations by justice officials and law enforcement: when prosecutors fail to find those responsible for crimes, they may fail to prevent future crimes from occurring.

Two of the kidnappers were killed and others escaped. They left behind the husband and wife, blindfolded and handcuffed, in the back of the car. Rather than free the couple, however, soldiers left their handcuffs on and made them wait roughly five hours while they secured the crime scene. Some of the kidnappers were still hiding out there, they said, and Ibarra and Buenrostro feared that their children might go looking for them and themselves be kidnapped.

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The couple had been out of touch with their children for two days—unusual for their family—and suspected their children would go to the ranch. Prosecutors refused, and would not even allow the husband and wife to call their children. Instead, prosecutors took their testimony and then placed them in a common holding cell with criminal suspects. They were detained from midnight until 1 p. The kidnappers called Ibarra and his wife to demand ransom for their three new captives. He was disappeared as well.

It was the last contact the relatives had with any of the victims. In the weeks after the disappearance, investigators failed to pursue leads that could have led to identifying those responsible for the crime and preventing future crimes. For example, officials neglected to seek the cell phone records of the victims.

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When they were obtained months later, the records showed that various calls had been made after the victims were abducted, which could have been used to locate those responsible. They spotted the car parked outside of a home in the town of Compuertas, which is next to Francisco I.


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Madero—where the victims had been abducted. However, according to the families, prosecutors waited months before taking the basic step of summoning the people who lived in the home for questioning. And during the lapse of time that investigators neglected to pursue this and other leads, four additional people disappeared at the same gas station in Francisco I. When prosecutors—months later—finally questioned a young man who lived in the home where the car had been spotted, his testimony helped lead to identifying several other suspects in the case, including police officers.

Instead, over the weeks following the May 11 abduction of the three men, authorities failed to take basic steps search for them, or to investigate their disappearance. Then, approximately a month after their abduction, another disappearance following a near-identical pattern occurred in the same location.

At approximately a. Arredondo also called his wife and provided the number of another police unit: On July 8, prosecutors detained 35 police from Francisco I. Madero for their alleged participation in the June 15 disappearances, [] nine of whom were later charged in the crime. Madero, weeks earlier. Because Mexico is a federal state, legal competency is shared between the federal government and 32 federal entities—31 states and Mexico City the Federal District.

The federal government and states also use different procedures for investigating disappearances and for determining whether federal or state prosecutors have jurisdiction to handle the case. Federal prosecutors are empowered by law to investigate disappearances in which federal officials are alleged to have participated or been involved.

They also have jurisdiction to investigate all crimes tied to organized crime delincuencia organizada , but the definition of such crimes and the process of determining whether the definition has been met are vague and ambiguous. Human Rights Watch found evidence that federal and state prosecutors take advantage of this dilution of responsibility and the ambiguities regarding jurisdiction to preemptively decline to investigate cases, transferring them instead to counterparts.

Such decisions are all too often taken without first conducting a preliminary inquiry into the alleged crime, which is necessary to reach a well-grounded determination of whether they have jurisdiction. Indeed, the swiftness and regularity with which prosecutors unjustifiably claim that a case falls outside of their jurisdiction, and often redirect the investigation to counterparts, suggests that they are more concerned with avoiding adding cases to their docket than fulfilling their obligation to investigate these serious crimes.

The impact of such decisions is to delay the investigation of disappearances—a crime in which the first hours, days, and weeks are critical for gathering time-sensitive information. It is not uncommon that concurrent investigations into disappearances are opened in multiple jurisdictions. However, attorneys general, prosecutors, and law enforcement officials told Human Rights Watch that, rather than complementing one another, prosecutors from different institutions often fail to cooperate and share critical information, which undermines their ability to effectively investigate cases.

Coahuila state prosecutors were unaware of how many investigations into disappearances federal prosecutors had opened in the state, or whether any of those cases overlapped with ones they were investigating. It was especially acute, said one prosecutor, when SIEDO arrested ranking members of organized crime groups who were off limits to questioning by state prosecutors. Authorities often asked families to take on responsibilities such as interviewing witnesses, checking the site of an abduction, and seeking information from the security forces allegedly responsible for disappearances, all with little concern for the risk such tasks implied.

A mother whose son was abducted outside of her home in March told Human Rights Watch that whenever she met with the investigator in charge of the case, he began their conversation the same way.


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  7. You have to investigate. In addition, authorities relied on families to perform investigative duties that are the job of officials, in some cases encouraging families to take actions that involved serious risk.